Id-dinja kemm inbidlet?

1.    Qed ngħixu sajf ieħor mimli b’aħbarijiet li jsewdulek qalbek.  L-attakki terroristiċi varji li rajna tul dawn l-aħħar żminijiet iwassluna naħsbu iktar fil-fond fuq kemm il-bniedem inbidel.  Għandna nistaqsu, forsi aħjar, jekk inbidilx jew fil-fatt baqax l-istess.  Nistaqsu jekk, f’din l-età, f’dan iż-żmien, minkejja dak kollu li l-esperjenza umana ġabret, imxejniex lejn is-sewwa jew bqajniex fl-istess pożizzjoni.  Għax atti żbaljati, vjolenti, jibqgħu, jgħaddu kemm jgħaddu snin.  Dawk li, minnhom, frott tajjeb għall-umanità ma joħroġx.

Sbatax-il sena

2.    Ngħid dan fid-dawl ta’ dak li mill-11 ta’ Settembru 2001 ilna naraw iseħħ.  L-attakki lejn iż-żewġ torrijiet, li fihom rajna tant jitilfu ħajjithom inutilment.  Aġir minn bnedmin li bdew jagħmlu użu minn strumenti għas-sewwa biex jagħmlu ħsara lill-oħrajn.  Ajruplani, vetturi ta’ kull daqs u forma li ssoltu jintużaw biex iwasslu għal skopijiet ta’ trasport saru parti minn mekkaniżmu ta’ distruzzjoni.  Għax hemm ħafna atti ta’ ħdura li joħorġu mill-ġenn intern li ċerti bnedmin jikkoltivaw li, jingħad x’jingħad, ma hemmx ġustifikazzjoni għalihom.  Huma atti ta’ tradiment lejn persuni li, fl-innoċenza tagħhom, sabu ruħhom vittmi ta’ aġir tant iswed għax kienu fil-post żbaljat fil-mument żbaljat.

Protezzjoni xierqa

3.    Huwa f’dan ċertament iktar milli utili li l-istati demokratiċi fid-dinja jgħollu kemm jistgħu l-livell tas-sigurtà.  Kull ċittadin jixraqlu li jkun protett b’kemm wieħed jista’, u kemm wieħed jista’ jaħseb.  Meta nara u naqra dak li jingħad fil-ġurnali u fid-diskorsi politiċi jidher evidenti li, b’mod speċjali fl-Unjoni Ewropea, l-attenzjoni lejn dan is-settur żdiedet.  Hemm ferm iktar strumenti teknoloġiċi sofistikati li qed jippermettu li l-livell tad-difiża jiżdied.  Dan l-infiq mhuwiex lussu, imma huwa sempliċement neċessità, li jkun nuqqas jekk ma jsirx.  Pajjiż illum, biċ-ċirkostanzi li qed naraw, għandu dmir li jonfoq u jieħu ħsieb iżomm ruħu l-ħin kollu aġġornat, huwa jew le fl-Unjoni Ewropea.  Dan jgħodd iktar u iktar għar-Renju Unit, li daqt ser joħroġ barra minnha.  Hemm bżonn li din il-kollaborazzjoni, din l-għajnuna għas-sigurtà, ma tintilifx.

Pajjiżna wkoll

4.    F’dak li għaddejt minnu, nifhem ikar u iktar kemm kull pajjiż huwa viċin u miftuħ għal dawn l-elementi.  Il-gwerra ċivili Libjana tal-2011 kienet mill-iktar kiefra għal dak il-poplu, però ftit irrealizzaw kemm aħna wkoll konna esposti.  Is-sogri li għaddejna minnhom, illum nistgħu ngħidu b’wiċċ il-ġid, kienu qawwija.  Stajna verament sibna ruħna parti mill-konflitt f’diversi modi.  Strumenti ta’ distruzzjoni moderni ma kienux il-bgħid minn xtutna.  Pajjiżna huwa ċertament espost u ħadd ma għandu jilludi ruħu li aħna tant maħbuba, jew tant tajbin, li għandna xi garanzija speċjali.  Irridu narmaw bħal ħaddieħor u nkunu preparati.

Attakk lid-demokrazija

5.    Dan qed ngħidu għax il-bnedmin jibqgħu dawk li, fil-maġġor parti tagħhom, huma mħajrin għas-sewwa.  Għandna fiduċja fil-bniedem.  Biss, irridu naċċettaw li hemm uħud li jew jiġu ndottrinati, jew influwenzati ħażin, jew jgħaddu minn xi esperjenza partikolari, li jwassluhom sabiex jagħmlu dawn l-azzjonijiet żbaljati.  Hemm forza għas-sewwa, imma hemm ukoll dik li mhix hekk, u għal tat-tieni wieħed irid iżomm ruħu attent.  Jifhem il-bniedem, u fl-istess ħin jassigura dejjem iktar li billi, kif ngħidu, jaħseb il-ħażin, jirbaħ dak li hu sewwa.  Dan huwa iktar importanti fid-dawl tal-fatt li demokrazija trid tikber fl-istabilità u fil-paċi.  Meta jkun hemm dan l-aġir, dan l-attakk huwa wieħed dirett lejn is-sistema ekonomika u soċjali li d-demokrazija tagħti.

Vjolenza ġiebet oħra

6.    Għax wieħed għandu jgħid li, minn dawn l-attakki, kull pajjiż ibati u miegħu jiġu wkoll effettwati stati oħrajn.  Meta jkun hemm atti terroristiċi fuq l-oħrajn, dawn jolqtu lilna direttament.  Illum nieqfu mad-dinja libera nfakkru lill-eluf li mietu mingħajr ebda forma ta’ ħtija ġewwa New York fil-11 ta’ Settembru.  Fuq naħa nirriflettu mill-ġdid f’dak li ġara, u fuq l-oħra nagħrfu kemm kull persuna għandha responsabbiltà morali u legali li taġixxi sewwa f’ħajjitha.  Id-dinja ħadet direzzjonijiet differenti minn dak il-jum.  Ir-reazzjonijiet ilkoll nagħrfuhom.  Atti ta’ vjolenza ġiebu atti oħra.

Pjaneta li jixirqilha aħjar

7.    F’dan għandna nistaqsu lilna nfusna: wara din l-esperjenza, inbdilna jew le?  Id-dinja hija iktar miexja fid-direzzjoni t-tajba, jew baqgħet l-istess?  Ħafna, quddiem dan, jikkonkludu li bqajna l-istess.  Bqajna dinja li fiha l-paċi hija dejjem mhedda.  Dinja fejn għadna naraw bnedmin li, fl-ideat żbaljati tagħhom baqgħu jirrikorru għall-ħażin.  Hemm ċirku li jidher li huwa vizzjuż, li minnu qisu ma hemmx li noħorġu.  Biss, billi din il-pjaneta jixirqilha f’dan aġir differenti, għandna nibqgħu ulied is-sewwa.  Sehemna huwa dak li ningħaqdu ma’ oħrajn niftakru, sabiex filwaqt li nkunu viġilanti għal dak li jista’ jinqala’, naġixxu b’mod pożittiv u nibnu ma’ dak li huwa tajjeb.

 

Inspirational Forbear.

On the 29^th.of August 2018 it will be the seventieth anniversary of the death of my grandfather, Carmelo Mifsud Bonnici, known as il-Gross. After seventy years what remains of his legacy in thought, in principle and example?

What strikes me most  and stands out, from what he wrote, what he said, as recorded primarily in the ‘Debates of the Malta Legislative Assembly, and what other people wrote and said about him was his authenticity. He said what he meant, he believed in what he said. He was loyal to his beliefs, loyal to his Faith and his Church. When elected to serve the public interest, he served the public interest not his own interests. His patriotism was loyalty towards his country and people.

He was a Maltese Patriot: he held dear the Maltese people, collectively as well as individually; the Maltese traditions, the Maltese Language, as well as the history of Malta. In his profession he was loyal to his clients, as a university professor he was loyal to his students, he was, above all, loyal in his married life. People trusted him and his word. He was never ‘fake’: even in caricature, his truth was evident.

Secondly, what I note is the breadth, indeed eclectic, nature, of his cultural interests: he was not only well read in Italian and English, but also read widely the literature in other languages, even if in translation. So he spoke and wrote, not only about Dante, Manzoni, Carducci, D’Annunzio;  and Byron, Scott, Coleridge, Thackeray, George Bernard Shaw, but also about Goethe and Tolstoy. He was interested in the history of Art and of Music. Of course he also studied history, political science and the humanities, besides his beloved discipline, Law. He was also interested in Natural History and especially the studies by the Maltese Naturalists, Giuseppe Despott,  Alfredo Caruana Gatto, Sir Temi Zammit, and John Borg.

My grandfather’s political ideology, was broadly that of the Christian Democrats: he saw every man and women as unique, without any bias or prejudice of class, nationality, religious persuasion. He was however interested in what the State could do for the less privileged. Among his achievements one should mention , when Minister for the Treasury, his fulfilled program for the building by Government of  ‘Workmen’s Dwellings’ in Birkirkara, Hamrun,  Blata il-Bajda, Cospicua and Paola. Almost all these blocks of houses are still in existence. They withstood the test of time. People still live in them. This was one of the first such schemes in the Europe of the twenties, immediately following the one set by the Christian Social Party in Vienna.

Also of note is his bold introduction of the Widows and Orphans contributory Pension Scheme for Government employee.  In the very brief periods (1926-27) and (1932-33) in which he was the Minister for the Treasury and the Police, besides looking at the ‘technical’ art of Government ( as his piloting of the very first Maltese Treasury and Audit Act)  he also tried and managed to introduce ‘humanity’ in the style of government.

Indeed my grandfather excelled in his attitude of ‘friendship towards all’. He held no anger or bitterness towards his political adversaries. Although he was and has remained the only member of Parliament to be sent to Prison for breach of privilege, he held no grudge against those who moved the resolution and who voted for it.

He was also a poet writing in both Maltese, his own language and Italian, the language of his culture. His academic contributions to the history of our law are also notable. He was also endowed with a beautiful baritone voice, which he used to eloquently, and persuasively address the crowds, in mass meetings, often without a microphone, to convince panels of jurymen, in the Criminal Courts and his fellow members of Parliament in the Legislative Assembly.  In Opposition his criticism of the Government was fair but became severe  when exposing arrogance or highhandedness. When in Government his defence was as convincing as it was logical and sound.

His goodness of heart, at times eclipsed his talent and intellectual gifts. His brilliant oratory at times might have led people to forget his essential humility and attachment to principle.

In politics as in most things in life, there are constants and variants. The constants are mainly in the ethical values. I seek to keep in mind the examples in the ethical values he always strongly upheld.

Black Ribbon Day.

Although we share a common cultural heritage with the sister states of the European Union, the  collective memories of our experience in the recent historical past, in Malta as in most of the West, are quite different from those of the East of Europe. We have to keep this in mind when trying to understand better some of the political positions  taken by  the ‘new’democracies of Eastern Europe.

The 23^rd August is the seventy ninth anniversary  of the infamous Molotov –Ribbentrop Pact of 1939. It was supposedly a simple non-aggression pact, in which the parties promised neutrality, should there arise hostilities with other parties. In reality it was Stalin’s  Soviet Union giving the Carte Blanche to Hitler’s Nazi Germany for invading Poland. A secret protocol in the Pact provided for the partitioning of Poland, after the invasion, along the lines of certain rivers. The Pact also assigned spheres of influence, with Finland, Estonia, Latvia, Slovenia and Bessarabia being recognised as of special interest for Soviet Russia.  

So on the 1^st  September which followed, German air and ground forces attacked Poland from the west, and later in the same month, Russian troops overrun their part of Poland from the east. In 1941 Hitler broke the Pact and invaded Russia and the following three years saw all these buffer countries being occupied alternately by the two powers. What the populations suffered under Nazi occupation and then Soviet re-occupation, with the pogroms, concentration camps and gulags, with the reprisals against collaborators, as well as against Jews, supposedly dangerous dissidents, Catholic priests and Lutheran pastors, has left a seared collective memory in what are now called the ‘new’ democracies in the former Communist dominated countries .

Witnesses and survivors have left us works of  eloquent human testimony and literary importance. Primo Levi’s Se questo e’ un uomo [If this is a man] and Alexander Solzhenitsyn’s Odin den' Ivana Denisovicha [ One day in the life of Ivan Denisovich] are ample proof of the disregard for basic human dignity that followed after the breakdown of democratic and ‘rule of law’  guarantees in Fascist/Nazi and Communist dictatorships.

We in Malta, as in Britain, suffered extensive and repeated bombing from the air, hunger and deprivation, during the Second World War.  Providentially, and through our courage and steadfastness, and with the blessed concurrence of the wide moat of the surrounding  blue sea, we were spared invasion and counter-invasion. What the experience has wrought  on the collective memory of our sister republics in the East, needed and still needs great  investment in psychological reconstruction of attitudes.

The memory of what happened in the two World Wars should not be forgotten. Today’s generation and future generations   should not be  exposed to the  lure of strong man politics, and the seeming simplicity of populist solutions, through this amnesia.

These considerations prompted the establishment of the European Day of Remembrance for  the  victims of Stalinism and Nazism on the 23^rd August, known as the Black Ribbon Day. It was originally proposed in the Prague Declaration of 2008 which bore the signature, among others, of Vaclav Havel. It was decided upon by the Council of Ministers responsible for Justice and Home Affairs of the European Union on the 10^th June 2011. I was one of the Ministers who “reaffirmed the importance of raising awareness of the crimes committed by totalitarian regimes, and of promoting a shared memory of these crimes across the Union and underlining the significant role this can play in preventing the rehabilitation or rebirth of totalitarian ideologies.”

  

That is why Black Ribbon Days are important.  That is why the holocaust should not be forgotten, minimised, or  seen as an accidental aberration.  Hitlers and Stalins can recur. In some parts of the world smaller sized despots or ambitious demagogues can still be a threat.

During the June 2011 Council Meeting  I had broached the possibility of criminalising certain actions aimed at subverting democracy and the rule of law, and strengthening through the Criminal Codes the democratic consensus. Subverting democracy is a great treason. Other Ministers were of the opinion that the matter needed further debate and juridical elaboration. I still think that some demagogic loose language and occasional posturing, are threatening the democratic consensus.

From the opposition benches, one is not exempt from urging memory, reflection, and strenuous, but vigilant, contrast to the enemies of democracy and the rule of law.

Il-vot huwa likwidu?

1.  Hemm sibtu nhar it-Tlieta filgħaxija.  Miġbur bin-nies madwaru.  Isellem, jitbissem, jieħu b’idejn dawk li ġew għall-festa.  Jifraħ bihom, jifirħu bih.  Jitkellem, jisma’, josserva u jsir jaf.  Dan huwa li sibt lill-Kap tal-Partit Nazzjonalista, Dr Adrian Delia, iwettaq il-Gudja, lejlet il-festa nazzjonali tal-Assunta.  Ma kienx l-uniku raħal li mar fih f’dawn il-ġranet ta’ dan is-sajf mill-iktar qawwi bis-sħana.  Kien beda dan il-proċess fil-kampanja għat-tmexxija tal-partit.  Kien iltaqa’ ma’ dawk li huma tal-partit.  Kien irnexxielu jipperswadihom.  Illum għaddej fit-triq ‘il quddiem sabiex jikkonvinċi ‘l-poplu.

Kuraġġ u determinazzjoni

2.  Il-bniedem għandu doża qawwija ta’ pożittiviżmu u determinazzjoni.  Jaf fejn sejjer.  Ċar fl-ideat tiegħu.  Fuq kollox, ma jaqtax qalbu.  Ikunu xi jkunu l-avversitarjiet, għandu s-saħħa interna sabiex jikkonfrontahom.  Niftakarni meta ltqajt miegħu l-ewwel darba, nistaqsih jekk kienx jaf għal-liema sfidi ħoxnin kien ser jidħol fit-tmexxija tal-partit, u weġibni “iva”.  Illum napprezza ferm iktar li kien jaf li kellu għadma iebsa lesta għalih meta weġibni.  Iebsa għax il-partit, bl-aħħar telfa elettorali tiegħu, kien qala’ daqqa ta’ ħarta qawwija.  Illum iktar u iktar b’saħħitha dik id-daqqa fil-kredibilità tal-messaġġ tiegħu wara r-rapport maġisterjali dwar il-kwistjoni tal-Egrant.

X’kunsens elettorali?

3.  Triq tkun maqtugħ mir-realtà politika ta’ dawn il-gżejjer li taħseb li l-kunsens elettorali mnaqqas f’Ġunju 2017 kien ser jibqa’ mwaħħal magħna wara.  Irridu naċċettaw li l-eventi li seħħew wara dak l-appuntament bagħtu iktar u iktar il-messaġġ li kien hemm ferm iktar xi jsir biex il-partit jiġi lura fuq saqajh.  B’partit li ntilef tant fil-kampanji elettorali interni tiegħu, b’pożizzjonijiet u diskors żejjed.  Pożizzjoni li tant saħnet fix-xejn li kompliet għaddejja wara.  Għadna naraw, sa ftit ilu, kemm għadna ma fhimniex kemm huwa importanti li l-kapitolu jagħlaq lilu nnifsu.  Kellu opinjoni mod, imma seħħ mod ieħor.  Biss, f’dan kollu trid tkun qiegħed tagħmel ġudizzju politiku żbaljat u maqtugħ biex taħseb u tippretendi minn dan il-partit li f’inqas minn sena mill-bidla li seħħet ikun qiegħed jiġbor kunsens elettorali qawwi.

Gladjatur

4.  Il-Kap tal-Partit għandu fis-sħiħ l-elementi essenzjali ta’ dak li lest li jissielet bl-ideat, għall-ħajja tiegħu fl-arena politika.  Jikkonfronta u jifhem li jrid jiġi konfrontat.  Ma joqgħodx lura milli jesprimi l-ideat tiegħu.  Ma jiġrix.  Joqgħod attent ħafna, ħafna iktar milli ħaddieħor qal dwaru.  Imma ma joqgħodx lura minn dak li jemmen fih.  Taf fejn inti miegħu.  Mal-prinċipji Nsara, mal-imħabba għall-valur tal-familja, mal-maġġoranza tal-Partit Nazzjonalista ma tmisslux.  Għandu, iva, kontra tiegħu.  Saritlu l-ħsara tad-diskors vojt, malinn ukoll, li bih wieħed ikun irid joskura gladjatur.  Għadda minn kampanja sistematika biex ikun hemm l-assassinju tal-karattru.  L-iktar, ovvjament, minn dawk li qegħdin fil-poter, li fehmu mill-ewwel li għandu potenzjal qawwi fost l-elettorat tallum.  Għadda minn dan, imma r-realtà politika hija li għadu b’saħħtu, jikkumbatti l-avversarji u joqtol l-iljuni.

Hu l-Kap

5.  Ma dħaltx ilbieraħ fil-politika.  Tgħallimt li trid toqgħod lura, issegwi u tara bil-kalma dak li jkun għaddej.  Sa fejn qiegħed jasal il-messaġġ u sa fejn jista’.  Il-verità u r-realtà politika hija li għandna sfida qawwija biex ninstemgħu u nwasslu l-vuċi tal-partit.  Waħda li bdejna negħlbu.  F’dawn il-ftit xhur, il-Kap tal-Partit qiegħed jinstema’ ferm u ferm iktar milli kien.  Forsi mhux biżżejjed.  Il-vuċi tagħna trid tkun iktar preżenti.  Biex tkun hekk għandna bżonn inkomplu nagħmlu l-medja tagħna iktar b’saħħitha.  Il-passi li saru taħt id-direzzjoni tiegħu f’Netfm huma f’din il-linja.  Ġiebu diġà effett tajjeb.  Effett li għandna nagħrfu li fih il-fatt li l-aqwa karta għall-partit tibqa’ l-preżenza u l-impenn dirett tiegħu.  Impenn li f’dawn ix-xhur issoda, tbaskat u mmatura ferm.

L-elettorat inbidel

6.  Il-Kap għandu madwaru bnedmin li qegħdin jaħdmu tajjeb ħafna.  Diversi oħra qegħdin jingħaqdu iktar miegħu.  Sija fl-intern tal-partit b’organizzazzjoni aqwa u b’tisħiħ tal-aspett finanzjarju, sija f’barra.  Għax l-elettorat m’għadux bħal ta’ snin ilu.  Mhuwiex marbut fuq naħa u ma jridx jiċċaqlaq.  Sar wieħed li jiċċaqlaq iktar malajr.  Huwa wieħed li l-magħruf Zygmunt Bauman kien isejjaħ żgur wieħed likwidu.  Hemm iktar minn qabel differenza fil-kalatura li tmexxi bniedem biex jivvota għal partit u mhux għal ieħor.  F’dan irridu naċċettaw li għalkemm tlaqna minn vot ta’ identità, issa sejrin iktar lejn dak ta’ proposta, jew protesta jew reazzjoni.  Inqas qed iħossuhom marbuta ma’ partit jew ieħro.  Iktar lesti li jħarsu lejn dak li qed jingħad u minn min qiegħed jingħad.  Kull stħarriġ jagħmel dan iktar ċar.  Proprju għax il-vot sar ferm iktar likwidu li qed jinfetħu bibien ġodda għall-Partit Nazzjonalsita mmexxi mid-direzzjoni u l-għaqal tal-Kap il-ġdid tiegħu, Dr Adrian Delia.

   

 

L-għeruq ta’ dan il-poplu.

1.     Issa li t-Tazza tad-Dinja għaddiet, inħossni aktar fil-libertà li niddiskuti u nfaħħar il-partijiet għall-influwenzi pożittivi tal-Ingliżi fuqna, għalkemm nagħraf li hemm dawk li huma negattivi.  Ċertament ma stajtx niktbu qabel, għax kien ikun hemm min jaħseb li biddilt fehemti fuq min jilgħab l-aħjar il-ballun.  Proprju għalhekk, u aktar tul din il-ġimgħa, li wieħed jista’ jaffronta l-aspetti tajba tal-preżenza ta’ dak il-poplu magħna.  Din il-ġimgħa, ġustament infakkru u nqisu mill-ġdid dak li għaddew minnu missirijietna fl-aħħar Gwerra Dinjija.  Il-fatt li konna taħthom, u l-fatt li ddeċidew li qatt ma jċeduna kienu determinanti f’dak li aħna llum.  Ma waqajniex taħt il-Faxxiżmu jew in-Nażiżmu.  Ma kellniex Maltin li ttieħdu f’kampijiet tal-konċentrament, anqas li ġew iffuċillati jew umiljati.  Bqajna liberi nvoluti direttament fil-gwerra, però mhux mirbuħa.

Sistema akkużatorja

2.     Niftakar li snin ilu kelli dibattitu ma’ numru ta’ senaturi Taljani dwar kif naħsbuha bħala poplu.  X’differenzi jeżistu bejn il-poplu fl-Ewropa u fil-Mediterran.  X’nagħtu importanza għalih aħna bħala Maltin.  X’naraw u x’inqisu fil-moħħ tagħna.  Qbilna li ċertament aħna differenti mill-ġirien, huma min huma.  Ngħid li hemm numru ta’ elementi li writna mill-influwenza u l-ideat li nibtu bil-preżenza tal-Ingliżi hawn, li biddlu u kattru linja ġdida.  Ngħid li l-liġijiet li kellna raw bidliet importanti, speċjalment fil-kamp tal-Kodiċi Kriminali u l-proċedura fil-proċessi penali.  Il-fatt li aħna, għal mitejn sena nħaddnu l-prinċipju li huwa l-Istat li jrid jipprova l-ħtija f’min huwa akkużat, u mhux il-kontra.  Nemmen li dan, fih innifsu welled sens ta’ libertà, indipendenza u drittijiet li kull bniedem ħaqqu.

Drittijiet politiċi

3.     Anki fl-aspett politiku ġejna influwenzati ħafna.  Forsi ż-żminijiet kienu maturi, fis-sens li diversi Maltin kienu litterati u kienu qed isegwu dak li għaddej barra, però l-fatt jibqa’ li kien taħt l-Ingliżi li twieldu l-partiti.  Movimenti li kibru u espandew fl-ispazju li ngħataw.  Dawk li bdew jifhmu kif taħdem is-sistema demokratika u kemm kienet differenti mis-sistemi kostituzzjonali ta’ stati oħrajn fl-Ewropa u fil-Mediterran.  Il-fatt li kienu esposti, bdew jaqraw, isegwu x’kien qed jiġri fl-Ingilterra, rabba sejħiet nazzjonali.  L-għarfien li għandu jkollna drittijiet politiċi, li l-Maltin jistgħu jivvutaw u jistgħu jiġu vvutati biex jirrappreżentaw.  Il-konvinzjoni li kapaċi namministraw, immexxu ‘l quddiem, infasslu u nġibu fis-seħħ il-liġijiet.  F’mitt sena konna diġà b’ċittadini li huma vuċijiet qawwija jsejħu lejn indipendenza.  Ħaġa li ma ġratx fil-mijiet ta’ snin li damu hawn il-Kavallieri ta’ San Ġwann.

Sistema demokratika

4.     Id-demokrazija tagħna tibqa’ waħda mwielda mill-ideat u l-influwenzi ta’ dak il-pajjiż.  Kif isiru l-elezzjonijiet, kif jiġi ffurmat il-Parlament bil-bżonn ta’ Prim Ministru u Kap tal-Oppożizzjoni, ta’ partiti politiċi, ta’ libertà tal-Istampa.  Dawn kollha ġejjin min hemm.  M’għandniex sistema purista, ċertament, imma l-għeruq hemm qegħdin.  Iwritna ħafna, fit-tajjeb u anki f’dak li mhuwiex.  Il-proċedura parlamentari u diversi regoli oħra.  Il-mod li bih jiġu ffurmati u rikonoxxuti legalment il-partiti politiċi.  Jekk wieħed iħares u jsegwi dak li għaddej preżentement fir-Renju Unit jifhem ferm iktar dan.  Żewġ partiti kbar iddominaw ix-xenarju.  Mimlija ideat u kurrenti.  Bil-Prim Ministru Teresa May fil-Gvern trid iżżomm partit li għandu żewġ naħat bħal dak tal-Kap tal-Oppożizzjoni Jeremy Corbyn, li huwa wkoll għandu dan fi ħdanu.

Kummerċ

5.     Anki s-sistema kummerċjali tagħna ġiet influwenzata tajjeb.  Il-ħsieb li pajjiżna għandu vantaġġi li jista’ minnhom iżid l-ekonomija tiegħu.  Il-fatt li l-pajjiż huwa fiċ-ċentru tal-Mediterran ifisser li s-settur marittimu huwa wieħed li għandu jiġi kultivat.  Il-viżjoni tan-negozjant ta’ pajjiżna nfetħet sew.  Ġew ukoll diversi negozjanti Ngliżi hawn li bdew jikkompetu internament, imma l-iktar esternament.  Mill-mod ta’ kif kienu jaħdmu, mill-prodotti li kienu jidħlu għalihom ġiebu ftuħ differenti, ngħid iktar “globalizzat”.  Anki s-sistemi ta’ kif wieħed jidħol f’setturi ġodda, ta’ kif wieħed jagħraf opportunitajiet, ta’ kif persuna tiżviluppa t-talent ta’ intraprenditur.  Bil-preżenza ta’ banek kummerċjali ġodda.  Tal-ftuħ lejn il-produzzjoni industrijali.  L-ekonomija tagħna twieldet u għadha, sa ċertu punt, tħares lejn dak li qed isir fir-Renju Unit għax huwa iktar faċli biex tifhmu jew biex tħaddmu hija stess.

Libertà tagħna

6.     Tul din il-ġimgħa, ġustament niftakru iktar f’dawn ir-rabtiet.  Meta niċċelebraw il-festa ta’ Santa Marija fil-15 ta’ Awissu, mingħajr ma rridu mmorru lura għall-Konvoj tal-1942.  Dak li sett sitta u sebgħin sena ilu jibqa’ mument determinanti fl-istorja tagħna.  L-eroiżmu ta’ dawk li ssagrifikaw ħajjithom għal gżira apparentement żgħira imma mimlija importanza jrid jiġi mfakkar u mfaħħar.  Lil dawk li tilfu ħajjithom għandna nsellmulhom.  Qegħdin hawn mertu tagħhom.  Qegħdin hawn ukoll mertu ta’ dik l-id misterjuża li żammet lill-bastiment ‘Ohio” mimli b’petrol tant vitali għall-ajruplani li kienu qed jipproteġuna.  Bastiment milqut diversi drabi mill-għadu.  Abbandunat mill-ekwipaġġ, li però baqa’ fil-wiċċ u ddaħħal se jgħereq l-aħħar fil-Port il-Kbir tagħna.  Storja li żżommok taħseb u tirrifletti.

Poplu ġeneruż

7.     Dan il-pajjiż għadda minn ħafna, u għad fadallu x’jara.  Biss, tul din il-ġimgħa għandna naċċettaw li aħna li aħna mertu tal-eventi passati.  L-Ingliżi ħallew il-wirt tagħhom.  Popli oħra hekk għamlu meta kienu hawn.  Għalhekk, dak li għaddejna minnu bħala poplu jsarrafna f’dak li aħna llum.  Napprezzaw, u fl-istess ħin nirrikonoxxu l-merti li fuqhom bnejna lilna nfusna.  Aħna poplu ġeneruż mimli b’talenti tajba.  Poplu li għandu jkompli jirrikonoxxi li l-valuri Nsara tiegħu jsawruh u jiddistingwuh.  Poplu li anki jekk jidher li qiegħed jinbidel, f’dawn il-jiem nindunaw li l-għeruq tiegħu ma jabbandunahomx.

MORAL FORCE.

More often than not we find ourselves living within a society which has not officially declared history dead but has largely forgotten about it’s past. To move forward and become stronger, a democracy needs to look back and reflect on what it went through, to learn from past mistakes, to re-read and re-evaluate the works and lives of active and passive leaders, politicians and various intellectuals. This, to my mind is both necessary and definitely positive. Revisiting past events and confronting them with our daily experiences would be educational and formative. In reality very few are willing to go down this road and are more interested in the exciting advances in technology that have admittedly brought progress but have also contributed to many negative effects on the fabric of our society.

Daniel O’ Connell.

Some time ago, while on a visit to the Emerald Island, Ireland, following as I usually do the popular Michelin tourist guide book’s advice, I visited what turned out to be an interesting call, Derrynane House situated on the Ring of Kerry, built in 1825 by an Irish politician who had been previously unknown to me, Daniel O’Connell (1775-1847).  Tersely described as “ a Roman Catholic lawyer, known as the Counsellor and the Liberator, campaigned for recognition of the rights of Catholics, he was elected MP for Clare in 1828; he denounced violence and organised mass meetings to rally support for repeal of the Act of Union.”

O’Connell was born on the 6^th August 1775 and was the eldest son of ten children. He became a very well-known lawyer in his time one, who it is said was renowned for his fearlessness in court. But his handicap had been that he was a catholic and thus excluded as his fellow Catholic country men from holding public office in Parliament,  in  corporations, law, the army and the navy, as the Protestants could. The argument, that time would prove to be mistaken, had been that Catholicism was destructive of civil liberties and intolerant, and that those professing the faith were subversive with a dual allegiance for pope and king.

Emancipation.

There were various discriminations and civil disabilities against Catholics which had still been in existence after the Act of Union. The basic issue was that though a catholic could run for office he was precluded from taking an oath which declared the catholic religion as “superstitious” and “idolatrous”.   

This led O’Connell to assume the leadership actively campaigning for emancipation. This he achieved in different steps. In 1823 he set up the Catholic Association mobilising the majority of Irish Catholics. Then, in 1828 he forced the issue when he ran for a By-election in County Clare, was elected but refrained from taking his seat until the offending oath was abolished. His engaged campaigning and his eloquent speeches finally led the British Prim Minister, the Duke of Wellington and Sir Robert Peel to carry the Emancipation Act of 1929. This paved the way for Irish and English Roman Catholics to all but a limited number of  public offices.

His achievements.

Undoubtedly the Emancipation Act will always remain his strongest legacy to the Irish nation. But his speeches remain to-day a source of inspiration.

He was against violence and for active democratic participation as he is recorded to have said “The principle of my political life and that in which I have instructed the people of Ireland is, that all ameliorations and improvements in political institutions can be obtained by persevering in a perfectly peaceable and legal course , and cannot be obtained by forcibile means, or if they could be got by forcible means, such means create more evils than cure, and leave the country worse than they found it”

He was always unmistaken about church state relations as he stated “I am sincerely a Catholic, but I am not a Papist. I deny the doctrine that the Pope has any temporal authority, directly or in-directly , in Ireland.”

Lastly as Fergus O’Ferrall put it “His whole life was dedicated to the proposition, which the Protestant Establishment and many European Catholics could not understand , that it was possible to combine the fullest civil liberty with the utmost religious fidelity to the faith and the doctrine of the Catholic Church.”

To day we celebrate the memory of this great irish politician the true liberator but we must admit that the prejudice, bias, intolerance and at times injustices still persist against professed Catholics in political life.

       

Politika u riformi soċjali.

1.    Kif kien mistenni, tul dawn l-aħħar jiem l-aġenda nazzjonali ċċaqilqet minn dik marbuta mal-ħajja ta’ kuljum.  Il-politika fiha d-diskussjonijiet tagħha.  Numru ta’ drabi tintilef taħseb billi tħares biss lejn żokritha.  Fl-istess ħin, dak li huwa verament importanti għall-bniedem fil-ħajja tiegħu ta’ kull ġurnata jintilef.  Anzi, jisparixxi fl-argumenti li ma jispiċċawx ħlief huma stess fix-xejn.  Biss, ir-realtà hemm tibqa’, ‘il bogħod mir-retorika u d-dikjarazzjonijiet.  Tibqa’ tistenna li jkun hemm soluzzjoni għaliha li, daqqa għal raġuni, u daqqa għal oħra, tibqa’ titħalla tistenna.

Luigi Sturzo u Alcide de Gasperi

2.    F’dan ix-xahar ta’ Awissu, fejn infakkru mill-ġdid il-memorja ta’ żewġ politiċi Nsara, Luigi Sturzo (fit-8 ta’ Awissu) u Alcide de Gasperi (fid-19 ta’ Awissu), li wieħed ma jistax ma jiftakarx f’ħidmiethom.  Kif dawn iż-żewġ politiċi demokratiċi-kristjani kellhom fil-prijorità tagħhom ir-riformi soċjali li s-soċjetà, kull waħda, ikollha bżonn.  Kellhom viżjoni ċara li tassigura li tgħolli lil min huwa minn taħt ‘il fuq.  B’mod partikolari de Gasperi, li kien il-Prim Ministru li kellu jibni mill-ġdid pajjiż imkisser kompletament.  Fir-riformiżmu Nisrani assigra bidliet soċjali u ekonomiċi varji proprju għax kellu pjan ċar ta’ ħidma.  Pjan li mhux biss kellu l-ħin li jibni, imma wkoll li jwettaq.

Fir-riskju tal-faqar

3.    Tul din il-ġimgħa ħarġu mill-ġdid figuri li għandhom jinkwetaw, u fl-istess ħin jindikaw li pjan nazzjonali, f’dan il-pajjiż, preżentement m’għandniex.  Il-fatt li rriżulta, għall-kuntrarju ta’ dak li qed ningħataw x’nifhmu mill-propaganda tal-Gvern, li hemm tnejn u sebgħin elf (72,000) persuna li huma f’riskju ta’ faqar għandu jinkwetana.  Din il-figura ġiet stabbilita fuq il-fatt indiskuss li hawn dan l-ammont ta’ persuni li għandhom salarju li ma jaqbiżx it-tmient’elef u seba’ mitt ewro (€8,700) fis-sena.  Dan ifisser li dawn il-Maltin u Għawdxin qed idaħħlu paga ta’ seba’ mija u ħamsa u għoxrin ewro (€725) fix-xahar.  Dan ifisser salarji li ma jippermettux lill-familja biex tlaħħaq mal-għoli tal-ħajja li għaddejja bir-ritmu tagħha.

L-għoli tal-ħajja

4.    Għax ma hemmx dubju li l-ħajja qegħda togħla u jekk ‘l hekk imsejħa ‘gwerra’ fit-tariffi li għaddejja mill-Istati Uniti tal-Amerika mal-Unjoni Ewropea u ċ-Ċina tkompli tikkarga iktar ser ikun hemm żidiet oħra li ser jeffettwawna.  Għax skont dak li qiegħed jiġi mbassar, dan ser iġib żieda ikbar fuq il-prezz tal-prodotti li mdorrija nixtru kuljum għall-ħajja tagħna.  Kemm ser ikun dan għad irridu naraw, però ser iseħħ b’detriment għall-poplu.  Diġà, però, rajna żieda ta’ 4% fil-prezz tal-petrol u d-diesel, li hija t-tieni waħda li ser inġorru fix-xhur li ġejjin.  Nafu sew ukoll, kif qal sewwa l-Kap tal-Partit, li hemm 80% tal-poplu li qed isibu ruħhom iħallsu ferm iktar milli għandhom fuq il-kontijiet tad-dawl.

Ruħ soċjali

5.    Il-Gvern, f’dawn iċ-ċirkostanzi għandu jkollu l-għan li jibni l-prijorità sabiex jikkonfronta dak li għandna u dak li ġej.  Għandu ċertament jara li jqajjem il-kuxjenza soċjali tiegħu sabiex nikkonfrontaw iktar dak li qed niffaċċjaw.  Ngħid dan iktar u iktar fl-isfond tan-numru qawwi ta’ persuni ta’ nazzjonalitajiet oħra li qed jinġiebu jaħdmu f’pajjiżna, fejn il-kundizzjonijiet m’humiex dejjem tajbin ħafna.  Kif qed naraw, l-istatistika qegħda turi li min għandu r-responsabbiltà politika qiegħed japprova permessi bla rażan, u dan mingħajr ma hemm pjan jew trasparenza.

Sfidi kbar

6.    F’dan hemm bżonn ta’ ħsieb ċar u li jaħrab diversi problemi.  Ma hemmx dubju li l-ħajja soċjali u ekonomika tagħna qegħda f’dan tgħaddi minn pressjonijiet u sfidi li ma hemmx pjan veru għalihom.  Fil-politika ekonomika jidher hawn, mill-iktar ċar, li l-linja hija waħda fdata assolutament f’ħidmet is-suq.  Il-Gvern, minn dak li qed naraw, abdika sew u qiegħed iħalli ħafna għaddej, bit-tama li s-suq stess isib it-triq it-tajba.  Biss, kif nafu, dan ma jseħħx, sakemm ma jkunx hemm l-attenzjoni kostanti tas-soċjetà.  Ċertament, b’dak li qed naraw, hemm kumplikazzjonijiet xejn faċli għas-servizzi tas-saħħa, tal-edukazzjoni, tad-dinja tal-kirjiet tad-djar, li qed jitħallew għaddejjin mingħajr pjan.

Inġustizzji soċjali

7.    Hemm ukoll il-bżonn ta’ attenzjoni lill-kultura tagħna.  Ftit ilu, il-kittieb marxista Terry Eagelton, f’kuntest viċin, jgħid hekk: “The price the West now demands of weaker, poorer cultrues which wish simply to survive is that they erase their differences.  To flourish, you need by and large to stop being who you are.”  Jekk nibqgħu għaddejjin fuq din ir-rotta, li minnha wieħed jifhem li l-Gvern m’għandux pjan ta’ riforma soċjali vera, hemm se mmorru.  L-inġustizzji soċjali kbar li żviluppajna f’pajjiżna jridu jiġu regolati.  Ma jistax ikun li jibqa’ jkollna, f’ekonomija b’saħħitha, persuni li l-kundizzjonijiet soċjali tagħhom huma daqshekk baxxi.  Din, ċertament, hija pożizzjoni xejn tajba, però li għandu jkollha l-konfort li tista’ tiġi konfrontata politikament.  Proprju għalhekk li l-Partit Nazzjonalista ser jibqa’ jkun ir-ruħ soċjali tal-poplu kollu.