Although we share a common cultural heritage with the sister states of the European Union, the collective memories of our experience in the recent historical past, in Malta as in most of the West, are quite different from those of the East of Europe. We have to keep this in mind when trying to understand better some of the political positions taken by the ‘new’democracies of Eastern Europe.
The 23rd August is the seventy
ninth anniversary of the infamous Molotov –Ribbentrop Pact of 1939.
It was supposedly a simple non-aggression pact, in which the parties promised
neutrality, should there arise hostilities with other parties. In reality it
was Stalin’s Soviet Union giving the Carte Blanche to Hitler’s Nazi
Germany for invading Poland. A secret protocol in the Pact provided for the
partitioning of Poland, after the invasion, along the lines of certain rivers.
The Pact also assigned spheres of influence, with Finland, Estonia,
Latvia, Slovenia and Bessarabia being recognised as of special interest for
Soviet Russia.
So on the 1st September which
followed, German air and ground forces attacked Poland from the west, and later
in the same month, Russian troops overrun their part of Poland from the east.
In 1941 Hitler broke the Pact and invaded Russia and the following three years
saw all these buffer countries being occupied alternately by the two powers.
What the populations suffered under Nazi occupation and then Soviet
re-occupation, with the pogroms, concentration camps and gulags, with the
reprisals against collaborators, as well as against Jews, supposedly dangerous
dissidents, Catholic priests and Lutheran pastors, has left a seared collective
memory in what are now called the ‘new’ democracies in the former Communist
dominated countries .
Witnesses and survivors have left us works
of eloquent human testimony and literary importance. Primo
Levi’s Se questo e’ un uomo [If this is a
man] and Alexander Solzhenitsyn’s Odin
den' Ivana Denisovicha [ One day in the life of Ivan Denisovich] are ample proof of the disregard for basic
human dignity that followed after the breakdown of democratic and ‘rule of
law’ guarantees in Fascist/Nazi and Communist dictatorships.
We in Malta, as in Britain, suffered extensive and
repeated bombing from the air, hunger and deprivation, during the Second World
War. Providentially, and through our courage and steadfastness, and
with the blessed concurrence of the wide moat of the
surrounding blue sea, we were spared invasion and counter-invasion.
What the experience has wrought on the collective memory of our
sister republics in the East, needed and still needs
great investment in psychological reconstruction of attitudes.
The memory of what happened in the two World Wars should
not be forgotten. Today’s generation and future
generations should not be exposed to
the lure of strong man politics, and the seeming simplicity of
populist solutions, through this amnesia.
These considerations prompted the establishment of
the European Day of Remembrance for the victims of Stalinism and Nazism on the 23rd August,
known as the Black Ribbon Day. It was originally proposed in the Prague
Declaration of 2008 which bore the signature, among others, of Vaclav Havel. It
was decided upon by the Council of Ministers responsible for Justice and Home
Affairs of the European Union on the 10th June 2011. I was one
of the Ministers who “reaffirmed the importance of raising awareness of the
crimes committed by totalitarian regimes, and of promoting a shared memory of
these crimes across the Union and underlining the significant role this can
play in preventing the rehabilitation or rebirth of totalitarian ideologies.”
That is why Black Ribbon Days are
important. That is why the holocaust should not be forgotten,
minimised, or seen as an accidental aberration. Hitlers
and Stalins can recur. In some parts of the world smaller sized despots or
ambitious demagogues can still be a threat.
During the June 2011 Council Meeting I had
broached the possibility of criminalising certain actions aimed at subverting
democracy and the rule of law, and strengthening through the Criminal Codes the
democratic consensus. Subverting democracy is a great treason. Other Ministers
were of the opinion that the matter needed further debate and juridical
elaboration. I still think that some demagogic loose language and occasional
posturing, are threatening the democratic consensus.
From the opposition benches, one is not exempt from
urging memory, reflection, and strenuous, but vigilant, contrast to the enemies
of democracy and the rule of law.
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