Kampanja differenti

1.         Din il-kampanja elettorali għandha t-tajjeb u l-ħażin tagħha.  Għandha, fuq naħa t-tul, u fuq in-naħa l-oħra l-qosor.  Hija waħda li, żgur mhux forsi, tibqa’ mmarkata b’eventi u ċirkostanzi barra mis-soltu.  Fir-realtà, tant il-pajjiż ilu jħossu fi klima li hija assoċjata mal-vot li għal ħafna hemm sens ta’ ripetizzjoni żejda.  Hemm min qiegħed iħossu li diġà għarbel u diġà ddeċieda.  Biss, dawn il-jiem qed jgħadduh effettivament mill-ġdid minn dak il-proċess.

2.         Il-kampanja hija itwal verament, però kien hemm bżonn li ssir hekk.  Il-bżonn li jkun hemm distakk nett bejn il-klima politika diffiċli li għaddejna minnha lkoll u issa.  Il-poplu rridu li nkunu ċerti li ħadd ma jaħkmu, imma li jkollu l-opportunità vera li jifhem naħa u oħra.  Il-Partit Nazzjonalista għadda minn waħda mill-iktar leġislaturi diffiċli u kumplikati.  Ħadd m’għadda minn dawn l-esperjenzi u, ngħiduha, ma kienx hemm xi manwal preparat ta’ kif wieħed jaġixxi.  Biss, irridu naċċettaw li hemm min jassoċjana ma’ dak li attwalment ġarrabna.

3.         Trid, jekk il-ġudizzju għandu jsir korrett, tagħmel distinzjoni bejn il-bnedmin infushom fuq naħa u fuq l-oħra s-sitwazzjonijiet straordinarji li kellhom jaffrontaw.  Il-valur tal-bniedem għandu jiġi valutat fih innifsu, fl-abbiltà li jaffronta u li jieħu deċiżjonijiet tajba.  Jista’ jkollok grazzja jew antipatija għall-Prim Ministru però dan m’għandux iżommok milli tqisu oġġettivament, ‘il bogħod mill-passjoni.

4.         Jekk wieħed irid ikun ġust m’għandix dubju li jagħraf li dan il-bniedem kellu min javversah u kellu sitwazzjonijiet straordinarji, però xorta żamm lill-pajjiż u lill-poplu għaddej.  U hawn nista’ nixhed direttament fuq dak li għaddejna minnu fil-gwerra ċivili Libjana.  Id-deċiżjonijiet li rnexxielu jieħu kollha jwasslu għal eżitu tajjeb għalina u għal dak Libjan.  Deċiżjoni żbaljata kienet iġġib konsegwenzi diżastrużi.  Il-poplu, f’dawn il-jiem, jista’ almenu japprezza, jifhem u ma jiġrix fil-ġudizzju tiegħu.  Jgħarbel sewwa dak li għaddejna minnu u, fl-istess waqt, iħares lejn dak li ġej.  Jikkunsidra sew min ser ikun kapaċi jiġġestixxi u jamministra fil-futur.

5.         Il-pożizzjoni ekonomika, l-iżviluppi soċjali mhux ser ikunu faċli imma deċiżament imqallba.  Dan il-pajjiż, dan il-poplu kiber u wieħed irid abbiltajiet tajba u esperjenza biex iżommu għaddej javvanza u ma jitlifx minn dak li għandu.  Għandek kemm għandek intelliġenza, xorta waħda meta tiġi għall-ħidma trid tkun ġejt imbaskat.  In-nuqqas ta’ għarfien hawn, żgur mhux forsi, jaf irid ibatih il-poplu tagħna.

6.         Dak li l-poplu għandu quddiemu fil-jiem li ġejjin, żgur mhux forsi, huwa determinanti.  Hemm bżonn li d-deċiżjoni tittieħed mhux malajr, imma b’attenzjoni.  F’din il-kampanja differenti nawgura li dan iseħħ għax hemm bżonn li ma nissugrawx immorru lura, iżda nimxu ‘l quddiem.

Grazzi Eċċellenza *

                                                          

1.         Din il-ġimgħa, l-Isqof Emeritu Nikol Gużeppi Cauchi għadda għall-ħajja ta’ dejjem.  Inġabar lura mal-Missier li ħalaqna lkoll u ngħata l-aħħar tislima nhar l-Erbgħa wara nofsinhar. Mingħajr ma ridt, ħassejt li għandi nagħtih tislima jien ukoll.  Dan il-bniedem, mimli b’tant doni u enerġija, kien irnexxielu jġib warajh il-poplu Għawdxi.  Tmur fejn tmur f’dik il-gżira, ħlief tifħir għalih u għal ħidmietu, ma kontx issib.

2.         Niftakar li ta’ tifel kont irreġistrajt f’moħħi li fl-20 ta’ Lulju 1972 kien laħaq Isqof saċerdot li kien intelliġenti, studja l-filosofija u s-soċjoloġija u li kien ċar li kien ser jimmarka differenza.  Mal-Isqof Nikol Cauchi qatt ma kelli x-xorti li nitkellem.  Rajtu biss preżenti numru ta’ drabi fl-okkażjonijiet importanti li b’xi mod ħaduni Għawdex, però smajtu diversi drabi.  L-intervisti kontinwi, ġimgħa wara ġimgħa fuq l-istazzjon RTK, kont insib il-ħin biex insegwihom.

3.         Ammirajt dejjem l-abbiltà tiegħu fl-użu ta’ dan il-mezz ta’ komunikazzjoni, kif ukoll dik li permezz tagħha kien kapaċi jwassal il-messaġġ tiegħu.  Avolja għal xi wħud seta’ jidher li kien vuċi tal-passat għax imwieled fl-1929, fir-realtà kien kompletament differenti.  Differenti għax kellu l-għarfien li r-radju kien strument li permezz tiegħu seta’ jżomm kuntatt u fl-istess ħin iwassal il-linja tiegħu.  Iktar minn dak kellu l-ħila li jitkellem f’lingwaġġ ċar, dirett u sempliċi.  Kien jaf jispjega dak li huwa kkumplikat mingħajr intoppi.

4.         F’dak il-programm, li kont nisma’ l-Ħadd filgħaxija fir-ripetizzjoni tiegħu, kien joħroġ dejjem f’dak li kien: bniedem umli, iffurmat tajjeb u li qara ħafna.  Kull telefonata li ssirlu kien iwieġibha bi ħlewwa li ftit persuni rajt kapaċi jkollhom.  Kien jisma’ lil kulħadd u kien kapaċi jiddjaloga ma’ dak li jkun mingħajr ebda tfixkil jew kumplikazzjoni.  Min iċempel, hu x’inhu s-suġġett, kien iwieġbu lura, mingħajr xi forma ta’ superjorità intellettwali u dirett għall-punt.  Min kien ikun fuq in-naħa l-oħra kont tisimgħu sodisfatt li ġiet mogħtija lilu l-spjegazzjoni mixtieqa minnu.

5.         Mhux darba jew tnejn kont nirrifletti fuq dak li kien jgħid.  Jiftaħlek l-orizzonti ta’ ideat u jindikalek fejn għandek tħabbat għal iktar għerf.  Anzi, kien jiskantani f’din il-paċenzja u abbiltà li jifhem u jittrasmetti l-ideat.  Ma’ dan kont inżomm quddiem għajnejja s-sehem tiegħu, flimkien mal-Isqof Emeritu Ġużeppi Mercieca, fil-mumenti diffiċli li l-Knisja għaddiet minnhom f’dawn il-gżejjer.  F’dawk il-jiem, meta l-attakk lejn il-Knisja Kattolika u l-iskejjel li kienet qegħda tmexxi kien verament qawwi u perikoluż, hu baqa’ jżomm il-kalma, jidderiġi n-nies warajh.

6.         Esternament kien jidher li hu kwiet u mingħajr għaġna soda, però meta kont tarah, jew tisimgħu, jew taqrah kont issib preċiż il-kontra.  Il-ħsieb kien jimxi pass pass mal-azzjoni, b’pinna verament tajba għad-disposizzjoni tas-sewwa.  Id-diversi artikoli tiegħu, l-ewwel fil-“Leħen is-Sewwa” li kien jidher għal żmien twil, Sibt wara Sibt, u wara fil-ġurnali lokali, speċjalment fit-“Times of Malta” kienu jitolbu riflessjoni aktar u aqwa.  Kull kelma kienet tidħol f’postha hemm u ma kienx ikollu nuqqasijiet fil-linja tal-loġika u r-raġuni.

7.         It-tluq tiegħu minn magħna ser inħossuh.  Iktar u iktar meta kien irnexxielu jibqa’ vuċi ħajja, mingħajr ma kellu l-bżonn li b’xi mod jibdel lilu nnifsu meta għadda t-tmun tad-Djoċesi f’idejn l-Isqof Mario Grech.  Kien baqa’ jagħti sehmu b’mod mill-iktar normali u naturali.  Mingħajr ma jidħol fin-nofs, imma jservi ta’ forċina.  Hu li kien ta’ tant servizz, ma qagħadx lura imma baqa’ għaddej, jaħdem u jistinka.  Il-poplu Għawdxi ser iħoss sew din it-telfa.  L-istess aħna.

* Dan l-artikolu deher fl-Illum – 21 ta’ Novembru 2010

Raġel Jinġabar għand il-Ħallieq*

1.                 Sur Editur, nassigurak li nixtieq li din l-pinna li qiegħed nuża tiqfilha l-linka u ma nkomplix nikteb dak li qiegħed.  F’dawn l-aħħar xhur, id-dinja politika Maltija tilfet wisq bnedmin li taw servizz leali, onest u indiskuss lejn il-poplu f’isem l-ideali politiċi li ħaddnu.  Il-pinna tiegħi għadha sfortunatament taħdem, u friska bl-artikolu li ktibt biex nikkommemora lil Renato Agius Muscat, issa u qed nużaha nsibni b’dieqa u b’diffikultà sabiex nagħti ġieħ lil politiku ieħor ta’ kapaċità kbira, lit-tabib George Hyzler.  Nistqarr li nħoss fil-qalb tiegħi dieqa kbira għat-telfa ta’ dan il-bniedem mill-iktar ġenwin, onest u mimli bl-irġulija.

2.                 Sirt naf ta’ żagħżugħ lit-tabib Hyzler f’meeting pubbliku li fl-elezzjoni tal-1976 kont attendejt għalih flimkien ma’ missieri.  Imdawwar minn diversi persuni, lkoll segwaċi diretti tiegħu, laqagħni bit-tbissima ħelwa u tipika tiegħu.  Ġejt aċċettat bil-ferħ minnu f’dik il-ħbiberija li huwa kellu ma’ missieri u zijuwi, waħda meħuda lura fiż-żmien.  Il-familja Hyzler hija marbuta ma’ servizz miftuħ u kontinwu lil diversi persuni.  Ħidma politika, medika u soċjali li kienet immirata direttament lejn dawk li ma kellhomx, dawk li kienu fl-aħħar parti tas-soċjetà maltija ta’ qabel it-Tieni Gwerra Dinjija u wara, fi żmien l-Indipendenza.

3.                 George kien progressiv fl-ideat tiegħu, mimli ħeġġa u idejat.  Anzi, kull min b’xi mod iltaqa’ miegħu jaf li kien kollu miżuri ġodda, flessibbli u umani.  Niftakru membru parlamentari fl-Oppożizzjoni, fid-diversi dibattiti u diskussjonijiet li kienu jinqagħlu fl-Eżekuttiv tal-partit.  Kellu spirtu dinamiku fih, jidher impulsiv imma m’huwiex, attent għal dak li jkun għaddej, isegwi u fil-mument opportun kien jintervjeni sabiex jagħti l-opinjoni tiegħu li ħafna drabi kienet tkun diretta, anzi direttissima.  Kien ċar għal kull min kien ikun hemm li qalbu kienet hemm, kolonna tal-partit u jgħaraf dak li l-partit kellu bżonn jibdel sabiex jieħu fuqu r-responsabbiltà tal-Gvern.

4.                 Il-Partit Nazzjonalista, bħal kull partit ieħor, ħa l-ħin tiegħu sabiex jinbidel ta’ taħt fuq u jittrasforma ruħu f’wieħed li kien kapaċi jwieġeb għall-isfidi l-ġodda ta’ pajjiż.  Inbidel minn partit magħġun b’numru ta’ nies fil-Gvern għal wieħed kompletament differenti fl-Opposizzjoni.  Id-diffikultajiet sabiex il-partit seta’ jaħdem u jagħti sehem mill-posizzjoni li kellu ma kien faċli xejn.  Però George kien hemm.  Kien membru kostanti, preparat u fil-mumenti diffiċli ġewwa l-Kamra, partikolarment meta din kienet f’daqqa waħda tittrasforma ruħha f’boxing ring, hu kien ikun preżenti.  Il-kuraġġ u d-determinazzjoni kienu kwalitajiet, li f’ebda mument m’abbandunawh.

5.                 U kien hemm diversi deċizjonijiet politiċi li riedu jittieħdu f’dawk is-snin, li fortunatament ġew meħuda, u li bihom il-partit nbidel ta’ taħt fuq u pprepara ruħu sew għal dak li kien ġej.  George kien fuq n-naħa t-tajba, lest sabiex nimxu 'l quddiem u jgħaraf li hemm il-bżonn, inkella ma nkunux relevanti.  Niftakru ukoll fil-perjodu li għamel bħala membru fl-eżekuttiv parlamentari, fid-diversi karigi li sab ruħu fihom.  Preparat, attent u mimli b’dik il-ħeġġa li kien juri li ried l-affarijiet isiru, jinbidlu, jiġu riformati.  Għal qalbu dejjem kellu l-poplu li huwa rrapreżenta.  Ħadd ma jista’ jiċħad li hekk baqa’, anki wara li spiċċa mill-kariga politika sabiex jagħmel postu għall-għażiż ibnu.

6.                 Il-pinna tiegħi baqgħet tikteb u waslet fl-aħħar tagħha.  Hemm ferm u ferm iktar x’jinkiteb fuq dan il-bniedem, din il-kolonna tal-irġulija li sarraf il-bidla f’dan il-pajjiż.  Kellu hu l-mertu li jassigura li jingħaqad ma’ bnedmin oħra ta’ rieda tajba, onesti, altruwisti u li l-mibgħeda ma kellux lok fejn toqgħod.  Bl-intervent tiegħu, bil-ħidma li huwa wettaq dawn il-gżejjer ġew trasformati.  Sirna pajjiż verament demokratiku, wieħed li fuqu kibru l-ekonomija u s-settur soċjali.  Speċjalment anzi dak ta’ l-aħħar, fejn il-ġustizzja soċjali għalih ma kenitx slogan imma għodda kostanti ta’ ħidma.  Miegħu nitilfu ħafna.  Minn qalbi l-għomor lis-Sinjura tiegħu u lil uliedu.

* Dan l-artikolu qieghed jidher fit-tieni anniversarju mill-mewt ta Dr George Hyzler.

Mhux Preparati.

1.Partit fl-opposizzjoni ghandu dmir lejn il-poplu. Ghandu dak li jipprepara ruhu sabiex jekk l-poplu jiddeciedi li jghabbih bir-responsabbilita tal-Gvern jkun preparat ghaliha. Hemm min jiehu dan id-dmir b’attenzjoni u jidhol fid-dettal hemm min jittama li jkun jistgha jdoqq u jizfen skond l-udit. Il-pajjiz taghna ma ghadux dak ta snin ilu. Sviluppa u min jmexxi jrid jkun mghagun, bl-esperjenza u jifhem li ser jkollu l-hajjiet tal-bnedmin f’idejh. Jgharaf il-komplikazzjonijiet u fl-istess waqt ghandu tarf ta soluzzjonijiet li mhux jzidu fl-intoppi imma jnehhuhom. Mexxej jistgha jghid hafna u jwettaq ftit. Fl-opposizzjoni ghandu dejjem vantagg ghax jistgha jghid hafna fuq il-pajjiz pero ma ghandux fejn jwettaq hlief fil-partit tieghu stess.

2.Issa dan il-partit fl-opposizzjoni ftit snin ilu smajna il-kap tieghu jghid li ser jkun hemm terrimoti kbar. Hafna setghu fehmu jew hadu l-impressjoni li kien ser jkun hemm tibdiliet kbar. Jinbidlu l-bnedmin, jinbidlu s-sistemi interni, Jigi trasformat il-partit u jinqata darba ghal dejjem mill-passat ikrah tieghu. Illum il-gurnata wara li issa ghaddew hames shah il-pajjizna, l-poplu taghna ghandu quddiemu r-rizultat. Dan il-progett ta bidla, ta riforma ta harsa differenti effettivament saret jew baqa kollox l-istess. Ma hemmx dubbju  li fid-dehera l-affarijiet facilment jinbidlu. Dak li huwa ikrah jsir sabih, dak li ma ccaqlaqx jidher li ccaqlaq. Imma nghid jien li l-importanti u dan huwa li qed jfittex u jistaqsi l-elettorat normali, moderat, progressiv li jrid il-gid ta pajjizu u ta familtu saret bidla interna ?.

3. Niddejjaq nitkellem fuq dan imma huwa verament necessarju ghal min ghandu rasu fuq ghonqu pero huwa necessarju li wiehed jaffronta l-ahhar zewg appuntamenti politici tal-partit laburista. L-ahhar zewg punti li hadu f’idejhom l-attenzjoni nazzjonali ta dawk li issa bdew bicca bicca jsegwu sabiex jaraw fejn u kif sejrin jezercitaw d-dritt taghhom li jivvutaw. L-kwistjoni Anglu Farrugia l-ewwel u t-tieni l-proposta ghat-tnaqqis tal-kontijiet tad-dawl u l-ilma kienu l-passi principali li fuqhom fethu n-nahha taghhom. Fuq it-tnejn nghid li l-messagg mar kompletament il-kontra ta dak li atwalment riedu. Irnexxilhom jwasslu lin-nies li ma humiex preparati u anzi li l-affarijiet iktar ma dehru li qed jinbidlu iktar effettivament baqu l-istess.

4. It-tnehhija tal-Vici Kap tal-partit laburista saret bl-iktar mod zbaljat. Socjeta demokratika tiddejjaq b’dawn l-metodi. Tiddejjaq tara li persuna, bniedem tinqatalu rasu habta u sabta fuq pretesti infondati. L-effett ta dak l-esercizzju kien li diversi fehmu li ma kienx d-diskors li kien qal ghax kien hemm min ghogbu u wera dan fil-pubbliku imma l-esigenzi politici. Xi hadd dehrlu li ‘jaqbillhom’ li jnehhuh issa li sejrin ghall-elezzjoni generali ghax sejjer jtelfilhom mil-voti. L-ghar f’dan kien proprju li persuna li gie elett demokratikament gewwa l-partit jigi mnehhi b’daqqa ta mannara politika. Qamu diversi domandi f’mohh l-poplu. Diversi staqsew x’gara hemm gew bejniethom pero l-iktar li dejqet kien l-mod arroganti, prepotenti u li tfakkrek fil-passat ta kif sar dan kollu.

5.L-partit laburista f’din il-mossa waheda fl-opinjoni ta hafna irnexxilu juri li lest li jiehu decizjonijiet kontra s-sewwa u minghajr rispett lejn d-dinjita li kull persuna jixirqilha. Id-domanda li giet l-ewwel kienet jekk bniedem daqshekk vicin tal-partit, daqshekk ta gewwa inqatatlu rasu f’daqqa x’qieghed preparat ghall-ohrajn, t-tieni jekk dawn li diga fl-opposizzjoni ghax qed jhossu l-poter vicin qed jaghmlu dan x’ser jghamlu wara lill-poplu meta jkunu fil-Gvern. Minn dak li rajt, qrajt u tkellimt hemm opinjoni cara li kollox baqa l-istess fil-partit laburista. L-ordni tal-gurnata baqghet dik li kienet u l-ispirtu intern baqa ma inbidel assolutament xejn. L-partit bhal passat baqa u t-terrimoti ma sarux, l-partit mhux talli ma ghamilx progress lejn il-moderazzjoni izda baqa wiehed estremist.

6.Din hija r-rejalta li rridu nikkonfrontaw. Ghax r-rizultat illum jidher car li ghaddew hames snin u ma nbidlux u anqas ppruvaw jippreparaw rwiehom tajjeb. L-proprosta tal-kontijiet tad-dawl u ilma kompliet affermat dan iktar. Dawk li kienu ilhom jittamaw u jaghtu l-beneficcju tad-dubbju illum tilfuh. Anzi diversi fehmu li hemm min fil-partit laburista min jahseb li  l-pajjiz huwa mimli daqhekk injoranti li ma l-ewwel dikjarazzjoni ser jaccettaw kollox u joqghodu bil-kwiet minghajr ma jistaqsu. Nahseb li kien esercizzju li jindika l-falliment ta partit li huwa effettivament maqtugh mir-rejalta. Partit li baqa bil-kap tieghu jiddeciedi minghajr ma jikkonsulta ruhu mal-ohrajn, u forsi tnehha l-vici kap ta qabel ghax kien  jzomm dan d-disastru milli jitwettaq. Hu x’inhuwa hareg mill-iktar car li l-partit laburista baqa ma huwiex preparat u jghaggel jwettaq hmerijiet li bihom ahna lkoll nistghu ghada pit ghada nhalsu l-konsegwenzi taghhom. Jghidu haga u huma ohra.   

X’ħasra

1.         Fix-xoljiment tal-Parlament il-mozzjonijiet, u għalhekk l-abbozzi ta’ liġijiet li jkun hemm pendenti, jaqgħu.  Jistgħu jerġgħu jinġiebu ‘l quddiem f’leġislatura oħra u mil-lista ta’ abbozzi li kien għad hemm ikun tajjeb jekk numru minnhom jerġgħu jitressqu.  Sar ħafna xogħol u kienet verament ħasra u sfortuna li ħajjet il-Parlament ikkumplikat ruħha tant.  Bħala ministru għaddejt kwantità kbira ta’ liġijiet, però minħabba dak li ġara, ħallejt warajja ħames abbozzi li minnhom wieħed wasal fil-port.  Xtaqt li kkonkludejthom.  Fihom hemm l-isforzi ta’ snin ta’ ħidma.

2.         Illum nagħraf iktar l-importanza ta’ dak li kont ħdimt fuqu u fl-istess ħin fil-bżonn li dawn ma jiġux abbandunati.  Ngħid dan proprju għax settur li jimmerita ħafna attenzjoni mil-leġislatur futur huwa dak marbut ma’ kif tikkonkludi, malajr kemm jista’ jkun, id-danni fuq il-persuna.  Fl-analiżi li kont nagħmel regolarment bħala Ministru tal-Ġustizzja kont nidentifika setturi li kienu qed jeħlu fil-Qorti.  Kien deherli li dmiri kien li nipprepara emendi f’żewġ direzzjonijiet: dawk ġenerali applikabbli għal kull kawża u dawk speċjali, jiġifieri skont il-materja legali.

3.         Minn dak li hemm fil-Qorti għandek kwantità ta’ kawżi pendenti marbuta ma’ danni fuq il-persuna ġejjin minn inċidenti industrijali u tat-traffiku.  Bħala linja ġenerali, sforz l-emendi varji li ntroduċejt, dawn naqsu però xorta ħassejt u għadni nħoss li huwa vitali li l-kumpens, il-ħlas tad-dannu, jsir malajr.  Dan għal raġunijiet varji.  Il-bżonn tal-ħajja u li tagħlaq il-kwistjoni internament huma fosthom.  Għalhekk għamilna studju sħiħ u ppreparajna abbozz ta’ liġi li huwa avvanzat u verament tajjeb li kien wasal fi stadju ta’ kumitat.

4.         Għamilna konsultazzjoni wiesgħa mas-setturi kollha mediċi u legali.  Irnexxielna nikkonkludu bi proposti li jagħmlu l-ħajja ta’ kull min ikun involut aħjar.  Emendi li jġibu ċertezza u veloċità qawwija ferm biex tikkonkludi l-kumpens li tagħtik il-liġi.  Għalhekk daħħalna persentaġġi iktar ċari fuq id-diżabilità, id-danni pekunjarji u danni ulterjuri għal dawk li anke wara operazzjoni inizjali jkollhom jidħlu għal interventi oħrajn.  Għamilna avvanzi kbar u ċċarajna ħafna mid-diffikultajiet legali li kienu qed iqumu fil-Qorti.

5.         Sfortunatament dan il-proġett ma sarx liġi għax, l-ewwel, l-Oppożizzjoni żammitu lura; u t-tieni, ma bqajtx ministru.  Hija ħasra li riforma tant neċessarja ma ssirx għal raġunijiet li lkoll nafu bihom.  Kieku għaddejna b’forsi iktar irfinituri fi stadju ta’ kumitat, kieku erġajna naqqasna drastikament mid-dewmien tal-kawżi.  Dan nista’ ngħidu iktar u iktar li jiena rġajt lura fil-Qorti nisma’, nara u nirrappreżenta.  Proprju din il-ġimgħa, f’kawża ta’ danni, ħassejt dan iktar.

6.         Kieku daħlu dawn l-emendi, kieku din il-kawża anqas ma kien ikun hemm bżonnha.  Persuna fost oħrajn qegħda tbati inutilment minħabba r-ras iebsa ta’ ħaddieħor.  Ftakart f’dan kollu iktar u iktar meta l-espert mediku f’din il-kawża rrefera proprju għad-direzzjonijiet tal-abbozz u segwihom, għax jaf li huma tajba.  Nistqarr magħkom li fil-bidu ġieni lura l-imrar li dan l-abbozz, għall-kapriċċ, ma sarx liġi.  Biss, fuq in-naħa l-oħra, kelli s-sodisfazzjon li kont u għadni fit-triq it-tajba.  Hija ħasra li ma kkonkludejnihiex, però nittama li l-poplu jagħraf iktar min iridlu l-ġid u min għamel ir-riformi li kienu neċessarji.

Wikipedia: Truth or Fiction.*

The emergence of wikis – the collations of user-generated content on a particular subject – has been taking the world by storm for a few years. Wikipedia is the wiki which deals with anything under the sun, and beyond

I think that reviewing briefly this encyclopaedia’s current performance is justified, given the criticism it has been receiving ever since it came into being a decade ago. The main criticism of this web-based encyclopaedia was based on the fact that the website was, and in fact still is, editable by all, except in certain cases, (which discounts it as a consistently reliable source), irrespective of the level of accuracy of the information that it held.

Initially a sharp contrast emerged between various online sources of information such as the Britannica, Curio, Columbia, and Wikipedia. However, the vast amount of reference material that is held on this encyclopaedia today, coupled with declarations made by operators on its commendable gains, have brought about a significant positive change in its visitors’ overall perception of this source.

The site was launched by Jimmy Wales and Larry Sanger in 2001. They experimented by inviting willing contributors to submit and subsequently edit their own articles. It is reported that in its first year of operation, Wikipedia had already posted on its website around 20,000 articles that were penned by 200 voluntary contributors who formed part of this project.

In the following year a two-fold increase was registered and by 2006 the number shot up to 895,000. Currently, the English edition of Wikipedia alone contains over three and a half million articles; a good part of this information is also available in more than 270 languages.

The experiment was undoubtedly a success. In fact, Wikipedia can boast of carrying the largest database of reference material ever put together. Not only that, but it also introduced information on both past and current events, something that other encyclopaedia were not offering at the time – or even worse, were accepting outdated material and source references for publication.

The advantage that Wikipedia possesses over its predecessor, the experimental project known as ‘Nupedia’, lies in the fact that the process of posting information is not hindered by any lengthy pre-analysis exercise. The innovative concept which it introduced was not about striving to process information, but to post it instantly, thus giving other users the opportunity to read and correct it if they wished to do so.

This does not mean that the mechanism lacks monitoring or supervision features. In fact, there are a number of editors who are tasked with identifying misinformation or intervening in cases where contributors or users fail to reach agreement over their conflicting views. However, despite these safeguards, ordinary contributors are better placed to maintain veracity and the relevance of the information provided simply because they are the people who have access to post it on the web.

A further advantage lies in the fact that, contrary to the methods applied by other encyclopaedia, the information gathered by Wikipedia is continually created and updated. I think that in world history, we now have a technologically progressive mechanism through which one may gain easy access to information that is constantly compiled and updated.

However, the veracity and accuracy of this information may still be questioned despite the fact that Wikipedia also deploys a fast mechanism to correct any inaccuracies. As David Runciman rightly said: “The secret to Wikipedia’s success lies in the fact that personal responsibility for particular mistakes can’t be erased, but the mistakes themselves can be.”

Controlling such a strong and constant flow of information is obviously no easy task. One can literally change content entirely, modifying it freely throughout the whole process. Although an automatic three-revert rule (3RR) is incorporated in the system – a mechanism that restricts the editor from making only three reverts of the same content in a 24-hour period – the danger of abuse of the system through posting misinformation decisively and intentionally remains. The only form of defence against this tangible challenge to the integrity of the whole project hinges on one’s capability of recognising and distinguishing those contributors who provide correct and factual information.

This weakness is further acknowledged by one of Wikipedia’s official policies which states: “The threshold for inclusion in Wikipedia is verifiability not truth – that is, whether readers are able to check that material added to Wikipedia has already been published by a reliable source, not whether we think it is true.” I may be drawing the wrong conclusion, but it appears to me that while trying to put distance between Wikipedia’s governing authority and the content in it, this statement also seems to support the view that the truth is dispensable in certain cases.

However, the fact remains that no attempts are made to verify the content of displayed pages. There is also no information filtering system to check the truth or inaccuracy of material derived from other sources. Whilst information that is absolutely disparaging and vulgar is removed from the system, the rest is maintained as long as contributors take responsibility for their own work. All this points at the fact that one should thread cautiously when using Wikipedia’s services because it soon stands to achieve authoritative status precisely because it is rarely confronted by truth.

Having said that however, one must acknowledge the fact that other encyclopaedia do not always reflect the truth even though they do strive to reach this objective. Using the same argument therefore, one can comfortably suggest that Wikipedia may not necessarily be breaking any pre-established rules. It must be stated that in a democracy a partial or inaccurate view of the truth leads to counterproductive results and institutions and society should strive to identify and establish one single truth.

In this day and age, using this technological tool for research is by far easier than the conventional book or any other advanced research system. However, this factor could very well lead to a precarious situation where Wikipedia may be the start and conclusion of one’s reading and thus become the default replacement of the truth. No democracy stands to benefit from the long-term impact of this eventuality. Therefore, despite the fact that we have at our disposal a system that is loaded with easily accessible information, we should never give up our fundamental right to seek the truth.

*This article appeared in the Malta Independent on the 25th November 2011.

The New Chapter.*

Political change can take place in a multitude of ways: Rapidly, like a lightning bolt; through a slow or natural process; peacefully; or within the framework of the country’s electoral, administrative and legal structures

A change in government can be marred by bloodshed, violence, murder and immense damage to property. The effects brought about by change will vary and their nature hinges on the methods used to accomplish them.

A society that effects change through peaceful means paves its way to continue to build smoothly on its past achievements. On the other hand, a change that is achieved through bloodshed compels the incoming government to start from scratch and build afresh from the very fundamentals of life.

Colonel Muammar Gaddafi’s death, which was inevitable, should be viewed in this context. Once ignited, it was difficult to quash a revolution by adopting brutal measures, as was the case in Libya. The Libyan people feel liberated from two situations that have unfolded.

Firstly, they have freed themselves from an authoritarian regime, from which only some members of its inner circles benefited, while many suffered much hardship. Secondly, a liberation from an eight-month armed conflict that has left thousands, including innocent civilians, dead. In an armed conflict, implements of war do not serve to reason things out – they are programmed to indirectly target, wound and kill.

There are many future challenges for the Libyan people, to whom Malta pledges its full support. However, it is now up to them to carry out the enormous and arduous task that is necessary to change the damaging policies they have inherited from their former regime. Changing the country’s culture from a servile political dependency to one that embraces and pursues democratic principles will undoubtedly be their main challenge.

The building of democratic institutions will not take place overnight. Whereas international actors can and should assist in this process if requested, they should steer clear from imposing democracy on the Libyan people. The task of transforming the current political structures is likely to take years to accomplish, given that they have remained static over the last 42 years.

Our country has long been acknowledging the various situations that have developed in Libya. Over the years our leaders established bilateral, diplomatic and commercial ties with them; the extent of these relations was determined by all the parties involved at the time. The relationship took on different forms, at times normal and occasionally strange.

To cite a couple of examples of the latter, many of us will recall the days when the Arabic language was introduced as a compulsory subject in secondary schools or when a Libyan gunboat stopped an Italian oil rig commissioned by Malta from drilling in the Medina Bank. However, Malta has always maintained its independent status despite the former Libyan regime’s clear messages of discontent over certain foreign policies that were being pursued by our leaders.

Nevertheless, we pursued those policies, even though the regime unleashed waves of migrants on our shores in an attempt to put us in crisis. Today we know that when the then Tripoli government used illegal immigration as a weapon against Italy, Malta was also its target. That was most certainly a highly condemnable act against humanity and our bilateral relations.

The Gaddafi regime’s tough way of doing things created severe difficulties; however, today we are witnessing a totally different scenario. The Nationalist Party was more progressive and daring throughout the civil war that broke out in Libya earlier this year. The Labour Party sat on the fence, exerting caution and holding back from taking a position. They either failed to understand or were not fully aware of the fact that the Maltese were so tired of the regime. Perhaps our approach toward the uprising, particularly during the course of its initial stages, may have involved elements of risk.

In reality, however, we were only being faithful to our sound principles and values that are deeply rooted in our minds: Liberty, justice and democracy. We could not stop ourselves from going back to the foundation of our faith: “Justice will undoubtedly prevail” even though the process may take a long time.

I do not regret our role in assisting in the creation of a new future for Libya. Our country took the right decisions. We did not shrug off our responsibility. On the contrary, we contributed towards the way to commence the new chapter. Great merit is undoubtedly due to the Prime Minister, who showed outstanding courage and determination. He had a focused vision throughout the Libyan conflict.

There are now close personal democratic ties through which, in the coming months, our country should start to actively pursue new opportunities in Libya. We are in a good position to exploit these. A new chapter has begun. We shall make our best efforts to build on a sound foundation based on democracy and not on any form of dictatorship.

* This news paper article appeared in the Malta Independent on the 23rd December 2011